Anti-intellectualism at university – 大学里的反智主义 – English

99%
13 paragraph translated (13 in total)
Read or translate in

You are viewing an old revision of this post, from January 7, 2016 @ 07:42:35. See below for differences between this version and the current revision.

Anti-intellectualism considers that power is the only source and centre of truth, and all other sectors and individuals have only one purpose, to demonstrate the rationality of power.

The true nature of anti-intellectualism is therefore authoritarianism, that is a form of thinking that is oriented towards power, puts power at the core, takes power as truth, and power as virtue. Power leads everything, power dominates everything. Power can everything, power has no limits.

Since after 1949, anti-intellectualism in China has been constant. In 1949, as the landlords were eliminated, so was the country elites. Later came the socialist transformation, which opposed capitalists, and eliminated the entrepreneurial and market elites. Finally came the anti-rightist movement, where intellectuals were targeted and didn’t dare say a word. Anti-intellectualism reached its peak in the cultural revolution, where Mao Zedong said ‘the most humble are the most noble, and the most noble are the most stupide.’ The more knowledge you had, the more you were reactionary, and intellectuals were ranked as part of the ‘ninth stinking category’.

After the Reform and Opening up, China reestablished university education, and for a period of time, anti-intellectualism disappeared from people’s view. But because political reforms have not come to completion, the status and nature of the university is not clear, and after fading out, anti-intellectualism soon returned to the university, and gradually became the dominant ideology and main form of consciousness within universities.

This is what anti-intellectualism looks like in the context of universities. First, university administration is dominated by officials. In this situation, teachers and scholars must follow the path laid by the officials: Shi Yigong, vice-president of Qinghua University, is a good example of this. As to the case of scholars who become officials, some people support it, some are opposed. The supporters say, if scholars become official, this will increase respect and recognition for other scholars. Scholars will not influence academic research, but certainly support its development in a certain direction. Those opposing the idea say, if scholars become officials, it will not benefit academic development, but the contemporary distortion of a bad tradition whereby the most learned men became officials. In fact, scholars becoming officials messes up with academic research, and with officialdom, and causes triple damage to students, other scholars, and the university itself. Having traditional officials and scholars side-by-side as official leadership of university causes great ridicule, and allows officials to be even more ignorant and tyrannical.

Two, university officials monopolize all sorts of resources. Chinese university presidents and officials are close to omnipotent. Apart from their roles as presidents and officials, they can also be scholars, teaching professors, famous PhDs, moderators on key national issues, receivers of special allowances from the State, national experts, provincial experts, academic leaders, and judges in all sorts of projects and committees. Those professors committed to academic life are eventually forced to quit academic research. There is neither future nor ‘funding’ in academic research, and engaging in research becomes a dead-end path for professors.

Third, university professors must submit to a whole range of officials. University professors do not bow to academic research, they have no particular reverence in their hearts for scholarship, but they do have reverence towards university officials, they surrender to officials, and flatter them. People at this level show all sorts of humilty towards official, writing essays on their behalf, conducting research or writing so-called monographs of no academic value, in short, the whole wedding dress. Those ignorant and incompetent officials thus become celebrated scholars and experts. 那些教授依然是斯文扫地的教授。 The officials eat meat, while the professors drink soup and cheer them,

第四,复杂的人际关系让大学教师苦不堪言。学问搞得好不好,不在于学术本身的本事,而在于处理人际关系的本事。人际关系好了,学术不好也有人捧场,学术不好也会变好。反之,人际关系不好,学术好也被会武大郎开店的人搞坏。在这种情况下,大学老师不可能以学术研究为天职,不可能以讲课为本职工作。他们不得不忙于处理人际关系,尤其是忙于与各种不同的大学官员和管教育的上级官员处理好各种关系。学术不是生产力,学术关系才是生产力,这已经成为大学老师的一种信条。

第五,大学的官员对教授设置各种考核指标,使得大学老师疲于奔命。每一所大学每年都有教学评估、讲课评估、考核评估。官员们年年搞,年年乐此不彼。这些评估是老师职称得以晋升的重要条件。其中最为厉害的杀手锏是对老师进行道德评估和政治评估。一个老师讲课讲得再好,科研搞得再好,都不如一个政治正确好。如果政治不正确,或者政治观点不符合主流意识形态,就有面临下课转岗的风险。一个老师如果科研不好,讲课不好,只要政治正确,不但有物质奖励,还有精神奖励。那些获得国家级、省级奖励的人,有哪一个不首先是政治正确的老师呢?大学老师智商低没有问题,讲不好课没有问题,科研不好也没有问题,只要政治正确,只要道德讲得动听,其他的问题都不是问题。

第六,大学官员通过听大学老师课的名义对老师进行不定期的监督。大学官员对于所听课的内容或者是不懂,或者是一知半解,甚至老师把孟子说的话转换成孔子说的话官员也可能听不出来,但可以通过听课,对老师的讲课方式指手画脚,通过讲课方式而不是讲课内容抓住老师的命门,让老师俯首称臣。

第七,大学老师为权力话语进行论证。权力者说的话,成为大学的圣旨,成为大学的指导思想。权力者的指导思想,不管正确与否,不管是否符合大学的发展规律,只要是权力者的思想,那就是重要的指导思想。大学的一些老师教授非但不对此加以抵制,反而会对其讲话进行理论论证,让权力者的思想理论化、系统化。

一代权力者有一代重要讲话,前面的权力者走了,后面的权力者又来了,大学老师教授就心照不宣地放弃走了的权力者思想的论证,对新来的权力者思想进行新的论证。在没有论证之前,权力政治正确先行,论证的过程无非就是起点正确,过程正确,结论正确。通过论证政治正确,权力者新的理论里程碑立刻就立起来了。

Chinese universities have many, many problems, and it’s hard to even start solving them. But if we let anti-intellectualism become the dominant ideology in our universities, it we let it become mainstream, then there will be no way we can ever lift our universities back up.



Source : 21ccom

Article Revisions:

Changes:

January 7, 2016 @ 07:42:35Current Revision
Content
<p>Anti-intellectualism considers that power is the only source and centre of truth, and all other sectors and individuals have only one purpose, to demonstrate the rationality of power. </p> <p>Anti-intellectualism considers that power is the only source and centre of truth, and all other sectors and individuals have only one purpose, to demonstrate the rationality of power. </p>
<p>The true nature of anti-intellectualism is therefore authoritarianism, that is a form of thinking that is oriented towards power, puts power at the core, takes power as truth, and power as virtue. Power leads everything, power dominates everything. Power can everything, power has no limits. </p> <p>The true nature of anti-intellectualism is therefore authoritarianism, that is a form of thinking that is oriented towards power, puts power at the core, takes power as truth, and power as virtue. Power leads everything, power dominates everything. Power can everything, power has no limits. </p>
<p>Since after 1949, anti-intellectualism in China has been constant. In 1949, as the landlords were eliminated, so was the country elites. Later came the socialist transformation, which opposed capitalists, and eliminated the entrepreneurial and market elites. Finally came the anti-rightist movement, where intellectuals were targeted and didn't dare say a word. Anti-intellectualism reached its peak in the cultural revolution, where Mao Zedong said 'the most humble are the most noble, and the most noble are the most stupide.' The more knowledge you had, the more you were reactionary, and intellectuals were ranked as part of the 'ninth stinking category'. </p> <p>Since after 1949, anti-intellectualism in China has been constant. In 1949, as the landlords were eliminated, so was the country elites. Later came the socialist transformation, which opposed capitalists, and eliminated the entrepreneurial and market elites. Finally came the anti-rightist movement, where intellectuals were targeted and didn't dare say a word. Anti-intellectualism reached its peak in the cultural revolution, where Mao Zedong said 'the most humble are the most noble, and the most noble are the most stupide.' The more knowledge you had, the more you were reactionary, and intellectuals were ranked as part of the 'ninth stinking category'. </p>
<p>After the Reform and Opening up, China reestablished university education, and for a period of time, anti-intellectualism disappeared from people's view. But because political reforms have not come to completion, the status and nature of the university is not clear, and after fading out, anti-intellectualism soon returned to the university, and gradually became the dominant ideology and main form of consciousness within universities. </p> <p>After the Reform and Opening up, China reestablished university education, and for a period of time, anti-intellectualism disappeared from people's view. But because political reforms have not come to completion, the status and nature of the university is not clear, and after fading out, anti-intellectualism soon returned to the university, and gradually became the dominant ideology and main form of consciousness within universities. </p>
<p>This is what anti-intellectualism looks like in the context of universities. First, university administration is dominated by officials. In this situation, teachers and scholars must follow the path laid by the officials: Shi Yigong, vice-president of Qinghua University, is a good example of this. As to the case of scholars who become officials, some people support it, some are opposed. The supporters say, if scholars become official, this will increase respect and recognition for other scholars. <span style="color: #ff6600;">Scholars will not influence academic research, but certainly support its development in a certain direction</span>. Those opposing the idea say, if scholars become officials, it will not benefit academic development, but the contemporary distortion of a bad tradition whereby the most learned men became officials. In fact, scholars becoming officials messes up with academic research, and with officialdom, and causes triple damage to students, other scholars, and the university itself. <span style="color: #ff6600;">Having traditional officials and scholars side-by-side as official leadership of university causes great ridicule, </span> and allows officials to be even more ignorant and tyrannical. </p> <p>This is what anti-intellectualism looks like in the context of universities. First, university administration is dominated by officials. In this situation, teachers and scholars must follow the path laid by the officials: Shi Yigong, vice-president of Qinghua University, is a good example of this. As to the case of scholars who become officials, some people support it, some are opposed. The supporters say, if scholars become official, this will increase respect and recognition for other scholars. <span style="color: #ff6600;">Scholars will not influence academic research, but certainly support its development in a certain direction</span>. Those opposing the idea say, if scholars become officials, it will not benefit academic development, but the contemporary distortion of a bad tradition whereby the most learned men became officials. In fact, scholars becoming officials messes up with academic research, and with officialdom, and causes triple damage to students, other scholars, and the university itself. <span style="color: #ff6600;">Having traditional officials and scholars side-by-side as official leadership of university causes great ridicule, </span> and allows officials to be even more ignorant and tyrannical. </p>
<p>Two, university officials monopolize all sorts of resources. Chinese university presidents and officials are close to omnipotent. Apart from their roles as presidents and officials, they can also be scholars, teaching professors, famous PhDs, moderators on key national issues, receivers of special allowances from the State, national experts, provincial experts, academic leaders, and judges in all sorts of projects and committees. Those professors committed to academic life are eventually forced to quit academic research. There is neither future nor 'funding' in academic research, and engaging in research becomes a dead-end path for professors. </p> <p>Two, university officials monopolize all sorts of resources. Chinese university presidents and officials are close to omnipotent. Apart from their roles as presidents and officials, they can also be scholars, teaching professors, famous PhDs, moderators on key national issues, receivers of special allowances from the State, national experts, provincial experts, academic leaders, and judges in all sorts of projects and committees. Those professors committed to academic life are eventually forced to quit academic research. There is neither future nor 'funding' in academic research, and engaging in research becomes a dead-end path for professors. </p>
<p>Third, university professors must submit to a whole range of officials. University professors do not bow to academic research, they have no particular reverence in their hearts for scholarship, but they do have reverence towards university officials, they surrender to officials, and flatter them. People at this level show all sorts of humilty towards official, writing essays on their behalf, conducting research or writing so-called monographs of no academic value, in short, the whole wedding dress. Those ignorant and incompetent officials thus become celebrated scholars and experts. <span style="color: #ff6600;">那些教授依然是斯文扫地的教授。</span> The officials eat meat, while the professors drink soup and cheer them, </p>  <p>Third, university professors must submit to a whole range of officials. University professors do not bow to academic research, they have no particular reverence in their hearts for scholarship, but they do have reverence towards university officials, they surrender to officials, and flatter them. People at this level show all sorts of humilty towards official, writing essays on their behalf, conducting research or writing so-called monographs of no academic value, in short, the whole wedding dress. Those ignorant and incompetent officials thus become celebrated scholars and experts, while those who focus on teaching are <span style="color: #ff6600;">educated gentlemen sweeping the floor</span>. The officials eat meat, while the professors drink soup and cheer them, </p>
<p>第四,复杂的人际关系让大学教师苦不堪言。学问搞得好不好,不在于学术本身的本事,而在于处理人际关系的本事。人际关系好了,学术不好也有人捧场,学术不好也会变好。反之,人际关系不好,学术好也被会武大郎开店的人搞坏。在这种情况下,大学老师不可能以学术研究为天职,不可能以讲课为本职工作。他们不得不忙于处理人际关系,尤其是忙于与各种不同的大学官员和管教育的上级官员处理好各种关系。学术不是生产力,学术关系才是生产力,这已经成为大学老师的一种信条。</p>  
<p>第五,大学的官员对教授设置各种考核指标,使得大学老师疲于奔命。每一所大学每年都有教学评估、讲课评估、考核评估。官员们年年搞,年年乐此不彼。这些评估是老师职称得以晋升的重要条件。其中最为厉害的杀手锏是对老师进行道德评估和政治评估。一个老师讲课讲得再好,科研搞得再好,都不如一个政治正确好。如果政治不正确,或者政治观点不符合主流意识形态,就有面临下课转岗的风险。一个老师如果科研不好,讲课不好,只要政治正确,不但有物质奖励,还有精神奖励。那些获得国家级、省级奖励的人,有哪一个不首先是政治正确的老师呢?大学老师智商低没有问题,讲不好课没有问题,科研不好也没有问题,只要政治正确,只要道德讲得动听,其他的问题都不是问题。</p>  
<p>第六,大学官员通过听大学老师课的名义对老师进行不定期的监督。大学官员对于所听课的内容或者是不懂,或者是一知半解,甚至老师把孟子说的话转换成孔子说的话官员也可能听不出来,但可以通过听课,对老师的讲课方式指手画脚,通过讲课方式而不是讲课内容抓住老师的命门,让老师俯首称臣。</p>  
<p>第七,大学老师为权力话语进行论证。权力者说的话,成为大学的圣旨,成为大学的指导思想。权力者的指导思想,不管正确与否,不管是否符合大学的发展规律,只要是权力者的思想,那就是重要的指导思想。大学的一些老师教授非但不对此加以抵制,反而会对其讲话进行理论论证,让权力者的思想理论化、系统化。</p>  
<p>一代权力者有一代重要讲话,前面的权力者走了,后面的权力者又来了,大学老师教授就心照不宣地放弃走了的权力者思想的论证,对新来的权力者思想进行新的论证。在没有论证之前,权力政治正确先行,论证的过程无非就是起点正确,过程正确,结论正确。通过论证政治正确,权力者新的理论里程碑立刻就立起来了。</p>  
  <p>Fourth, complex relationships at university make professors' life miserable. Whether they're doing their job well or not is not judged on their academic skills, but rather their interpersonal skills. If relationships are good, and academic skills are bad, that's OK, they'll get better at it. Conversely, if they're not good with relationships, no matter how skilled they are academically, they'll be pushed over by the first shopkeeper. In this kind of situation, a university professor cannot make research or teaching their main professional pursuit. They're busy dealing with all sorts of relationships, and they're particularly busy handling all sorts of complex relationships with various university officials and superiors at university. Efforts should not focus on academic work, but academic relationships, this has already become the guiding line for University Professors. </p>
  <p>Five, university officials impose all sorts of evaluation measures on professors, leaving them exhausted. Each university conducts a full evaluation of teaching, research and examinations every year. 官员们年年搞,年年乐此不彼。These evaluations are important for professors career progression. The biggest killer among those is the evaluation of professors' moral and political position. Whether a professor teaches well or produces good research, this does not count as much as political alignment. If they're politically not right, or not aligned with mainstream ideology, they face the risk of being graded down. If a teacher's research is not good, their lessons are not good, as long as they're politically aligned, not only do they receive material rewards, but also symbolic ones. Among those winning provincial and national awards, who is not a politically aligned professor? If university professors have a low IQ, that's not a problem, if they teach badly, that's not a problem, if their research is bad, that's not a problem. As long as they're politically aligned, as long as they speak with an air of morality, all other problems disappear. </p>
  <p>Six, university officials exert occasional supervision over the teachers by attending their lectures. What they hear during the lecture, either they don't understand, or they only half understand, they might not even really understand if they're quoting Mencius or Confucius, but by attending the lectures, they find fault with the way the teacher deliver their talks, and for the mode of delivery, not the content, attack the teachers livelihood, and leave them defeated. </p>
  <p>Seven, university teacher demonstrate the power of language. What those in power say becomes law for universities, and their guiding ideology. And this leading ideology of those in power, whether it is right or wrong, whether or not it is in line with the law of development of the university, as long as it is the thought of those in power, it becomes a guiding ideology. Some university teaches and professors not only will not resist this, but will demonstrate the theory through their speech, giving the ideology of those in power the nature of a systematic theory. </p>
  <p>Each generation of people of power have their own important speech, the previous officials are gone, the new officials have arrived, and university teachers tacitly accept to let go of the ideologies of officials who left, and listen to those of the new coming generation. In the absence of proof and theory, power is mainly about political correctness, and the process of demonstration is no more than that the starting point is correct, the process is correct, and the demonstration is correct. By demonstrating political correctness, the new ideologies of those in power immediately set up their new milestones. </p>
<p>Chinese universities have many, many problems, and it's hard to even start solving them. But if we let anti-intellectualism become the dominant ideology in our universities, it we let it become mainstream, then there will be no way we can ever lift our universities back up. </p> <p>Chinese universities have many, many problems, and it's hard to even start solving them. But if we let anti-intellectualism become the dominant ideology in our universities, it we let it become mainstream, then there will be no way we can ever lift our universities back up. </p>

Note: Spaces may be added to comparison text to allow better line wrapping.

About julien.leyre

French-Australian writer, educator, sinophile. Any question? Contact julien@marcopoloproject.org